Narendra Modi’s rise threatens venal politicians as well as imperial powers.
By Gautam Sen (13 December 2013)
London: It has not been understood by many that Narendra Modi poses the gravest challenge to the highest officials of the Indian State since independence. The animus against him isn’t political at all, because even as India’s rulers accuse him of being uncaring for the poor and the minorities, they shed de rigueur crocodile tears themselves for these sections of people, while living in sickening luxury. As for the secular garb of the United Progressive Alliance and allied parties, it is utterly spurious, and scarcely deludes those that it hopes to.
Nor is their hysterical reaction to Narendra Modi due to mere personal distaste, although there is more than a whiff of class and caste disdain in how they view him. India’s hypocritical and nakedly self-seeking supposed liberals surreptitiously harbour such sentiments. In fact, the alarm Narendra Modi has precipitated, oscillating alternately between gloom and panic, is actually a product of circumstances. He is a complete outsider, poised to come to power without a prior compact with his predecessors that some things will remain inviolable and hidden from view. Such an understanding seems to have existed earlier between the National Democratic Alliance and the United Progressive Alliance, which someone else in the Bharatiya Janata Party, other than Narendra Modi, would perhaps tender. This is the raison d’etre of poisonous Digvijay Singh’s effusive recommendation of the Bharatiya Janata Party’s parliamentary leader as the National Democratic Alliance nominee for prime minister.
Narendra Modi has apparently declined to offer these usual routine undertakings of immunity, although it might have been felt he would do so because a peaceful life could be useful to confront the dreadful legacy he will inherit. More shockingly for those accustomed to instinctive deference and the enjoyment of privilege, regardless of which political party governs, they can find little to blackmail him with to assure a self-denying abeyance.
The fabrications over an alleged fake encounter with the known terrorist, Ishrat Jahan, offered no purchase although the highest officials of State pretty much dismantled India’s intelligence apparatus in a vain attempt to implicate Modi. The contention that Gujarat had not prospered was quite incredible and some of the evidence so plainly false that they sought to do their worst by treachery instead. In the process they precipitated fratricidal discord between India’s premier security agencies. Their unconcern with the consequences for India’s security suggested key decision-makers were serving foreign masters. These same anti-nationals have been left cradling the imbroglio of an alleged stalking episode that can only be described as absurd.
The scale of the criminality of the United Progressive Alliance means they are unlikely to escape judicial sanction when they lose power. Knowledge of their financial crimes is largely in the public realm, but suspected acts of treason by prominent individuals are another matter and remain unexposed. The public clamour for judicial investigation and retribution for their criminality will become irresistible when they are unable to thwart the courts by misusing political power. This is the motive for the Congress party seeking to hobble Narendra Modi with the fewest possible Lok Sabha seats. It will ostensibly make him dependent on parliamentary allies against whom the United Progressive Alliance already possesses compromising material, forcing them to demand his forbearance. They appear to have nothing of consequence on Mamata Banerjee, whose support Modi cannot presume, but they almost certainly have enough on one other regional leader on whom Modi’s political survival in Parliament may depend.
The bluff and bravado of some United Progressive Alliance ministers, as they sink to the lowest depths of self-abasement in their sycophancy, now betrays real anxiety. The rout in the assembly elections has stripped their sombre obsequiousness of conviction. The pompous Mani Shankar Aiyar’s toe-curling fawning in a recent interview revealed him as the utter reprobate he is, all the specious repartee notwithstanding. Yet he and his venal ilk must know that they will not be so much as permitted to enter any Lake Como luxurious villa or mansion in London’s billionaire row, Kensington Palace Gardens, which their principals may acquire to flee with their ill-gotten wealth. The local detritus will be left to ponder why life’s certainties turn out to be so much sand in a human fist.
The moment a new government comes to power in 2014, one entire floor of a five-star Delhi hotel, occupied by enigmatic foreigners, may be raided, although it is more than likely that it will be vacated before the election results are announced. These foreigners are local controllers of a number of North Atlantic Treaty Organization countries, straining to prevent Narendra Modi from ejecting their Indian nominees from political power in Delhi. There are good reasons to believe that they were involved in the attempt to assassinate Narendra Modi at the recent Bihar rally, because these countries retain intimate ties with jihadi groups worldwide. This is known from their role in facilitating terrorist outrages in Chechnya and from the presence of Pakistani Taliban trainers in Syria, who are assisting the North Atlantic Treaty Organization to overthrow president Bashar al-Assad.
These imperialist powers are finding it intolerable that Narendra Modi will wish to restore India’s once jealously defended autonomy, and he will doubtlessly begin by snapping their insidious links with the establishment facilitated by the predecessor regime. This is why elections to the Lok Sabha in 2014 will be the moment of India’s rebirth, equal in significance to the transfer of power in 1947. One of the first tasks of a new government will have to be to appoint a high-powered judicial commission to examine the gross acts of illegality committed by the United Progressive Alliance, not least attempts to frame political opponents, as well as examine evidence of high treason.
Dr Gautam Sen has taught Political Economy at the London School of Economics.